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Peru

Introduction to the Archaeology of the North of Peru

Peru is steeped in a rich archaeological heritage, with some of the most important sites lying in the coastal desert of the northern coast and in the southern Andean Highlands. In this guide a general overview of the most important sites in these areas is presented, enabling the reader to gain an insight into Peruvian archaeology and the cultures responsible for this legacy. The few large valleys of the North Coast of Peru, which break up the monotony of the desert, feature some of the oldest monumental architecture of the Andes. Archaeologists consider it one of the few regions of the world where pristine states emerged.

By the third millennium BC the early inhabitants of this region developed a highly efficient economy based primarily on the rich marine resources of the Peruvian coast. Very complex societies emerged in this region long before the advent of large-scale irrigation agriculture or ceramics. Unfortunately, we still know very little about these mysterious cultures.

After intensive agriculture was firmly established by the second millennium, the cultures of this region showed increased integration. The Mochica culture (100 BC-600 AD) appeared as the result of a long development process and is probably not the first multi-valley polity. However, its achievements in terms of the size, quantity and the quality of their architecture and works of art mark a new level of sociocultural integration. Many scholars talk of the Moche as a very belligerent, even expansionist, state-level society, with strong, powerful rulers. The power of these rulers, like those buried at SIPAN, can be measured by the wealth witnessed at sites like EL BRUJO or the HUACA DEL SOL Y DE LA LUNA COMPLEX, where lavish ceremonies undoubtedly took place.

The Lambayeque or Sicán culture (1000/1100-1350 AD) continued the pyramid-building tradition of the Moche, as can he seen at the site of TUCUME, and expanded the already large irrigation system built by their forefathers. Ancient settlements like TUCUME, while still characterized by huge pyramids, also show a slightly more urban character. Large scale manufacturing of luxury goods, an old tradition on the North Coast, reached new heights during the Sicán era. The Sicán people were, among other things, masters of metallurgy.

The Chimú empire (1200-1470 AD), with its capital in CHAN CHAN appears to have used military force to expand, conquering TUCUME and all the North and Central coast of Peru. Their domain stretched from Pativillca, north of Lima, to Tumbes, near the modern border with Ecuador. The size and quality of the citadels of CHAN CHAN, the first non-pyramidal buildings to take on great importance, betray an enormous amount of labor invested to separate the rulers (who must have seemed something resembling living deities) from the masses of the working population.

Parallel to the Chimú expansion, a small ethnic group, whose main temple in Cusco was to be become the impressive KORICANCHA, began taking over the southern Andes. After the defeat of the invading Chanca army under the guidance of Inca Pachacutec, the Inca began a formidable series of conquests, first across the heavily segmented valleys of the southern Andes and the Titicaca Basin, then onto the coast. In many of the areas conquered they made more land available for agriculture by building terraces and canals of unparalleled effectiveness and beauty. Excellent examples can be seen at OLLANTAYTAMBO and MACHU PICCHU.

The Inca subjugated the Chimú by 1470 AD, but even in that case, where they encountered bitter resistance, they preferred to leave the local leaders in power while establishing firm economic and ceremonial ties. A major strategy of consolidation, especially in areas of notoriously rebellious subjects, was the large-scale relocation of population.

The Incas operators operating in conquered territories tended to establish themselves on or near strategic points, such as in Huaca Larga in TUCUME. They assimilated the culture of their former foes, integrating their gods to the Inca pantheon and, in the case of the Chimú, transferring metal smiths from CHAN CHAN to Cusco.

In February 1987, shortly after the police found prehispanic handicrafts of the finest quality in the hands of local gravelooters or huaqueros, archaeologists decided to have a closer look at one small platform on the west side of the archaeological site called “Huaca Rajada” (Split “Huaca” or Adobe Ruin), close to the modern village of Sipan. Their efforts were richly rewarded with the first of several ensuing discoveries of spectacular tombs of the Moche nobility.

While thousands of prehispanic objects of considerable artistic value lie on Peruvian and foreign museum shelves, the vast majority of these come from looted graves and thus offer only limited insight into the lives of the Moche people, who lived from about IOO BC to 650 AD. Thus, the discovery of the intact, unlooted tombs of Sipán haas been enormously helpful to our understanding of American prehistory.

The complex of Huaca Rajada, Split Huaca, lies in the upper-middle section of the Lambayeque valley, south of the Reque River. It derives its name from a large cut made through the site by road-building. This huaca consists of two large, badly- eroded pyramids to the east of the road and a smaller platform on the opposite side of the road. Recent investigations have centered on the smaller platform, often called simply "Huaca de Sipan", which belongs to the Moche culture and was used for burials of people of the highest rank within Moche society. The other two structures, large, badly-eroded, stepped pyramids, seem to have been remodeled in post-Moche times and are still under investigation.

Construction of the adobe pyramid that yielded the renowned "Royal Tombs of Sipan" was begun during the first century AD; the sixth and last phase of major construction was completed about three centuries later. Even during the clearing of rubble left behind by some initial looting of the site, sumptuous objects began coming to light. The looters had left behind ceramics, metal masks, metal earplugs, and even an elaborate royal scepter.

So far, researchers have excavated three major tombs of spectacular contents, and many other minor burials also have been found all through the platform. The first major discovery, Tomb 1, was uncovered shortly after excavators found an enormous cache of 1,137 ceramic pots, which overlay the skeleton of a man in sitting position. This position was unusual because the Moche normally buried their dead lying flat and facing upwards. Later, the researchers nicknamed this man "The Guardian" because his feet had been cut off, perhaps to prevent him from leaving his position, and because of his position above (i.e. guarding) the tomb of "The Lord of Sipan".

The burial of this prominent Moche leader, which represents an extremely complex archaeological find, has been carbon-dated to 290 AD. It includes many dedicatory offerings that were to accompany him in his afterlife, as well as all the items of clothing and insignia that marked his high status, and other items considered necessary to protect him in the world of the dead.

This “Lord of Sipan” was 5’4” tall and died of an undetermined illness at 35-45 years of age, within the average life expectancy of the Moche population. He was buried in a wooden coffin with full regalia, including pectoral shields made of shell, bone and stone, several blankets adorned with ornate, gilded, copper platelets, two necklaces of very fine metalwork, feather ornaments, headdresses and three sets of earspools inlaid with turquoise. Also buried with him were many ceremonial utensils such as tropical sea shells of the genera Spondylus and Conus, silver and gold rattles, knives, golden death-masks, and a scepter-like object shaped like an inverted pyramid held in his right hand. His coffin takes up the central position in the burial chamber, which has additional burial niches on all sides. Six other individuals were buried in the tomb with him: a 9-10-year-old child placed at the head of his coffin, two robust men on the long sides but in opposite orientations, and three 15-25-year-old women at the head and foot of his coffin. Their coffins were made of cane. Some of these individuals had had a foot removed, and the robust men, possibly warriors, may even have been ritually sacrificed on the occasion of the burial of the Lord. The young women, however, appear to have been long dead by the time the tomb was built and hence most likely were reburied at the time the Lord was laid to rest. The funerary ritual included the slaughtering of a dog and two lamas and the deposition of several dozen vessels that probably contained food and drink. The lamas were placed at the bottom of the chamber and the offerings in specially constructed niches in the sides of the rectangular chamber.

A careful study of Moche iconography has led Dr. Walter Alva, currently director of the “Tumbas Reales” Museum (Royal Tombs Museum) in Larnbayeque, to suggest that the buried person was a high ranking warrior-priest, or a Moche lord (the "Lord of Sipan"). From the point of view of the organization of the burial and the choice of exquisite regalia, the second major tomb found at Sipán is very similar to the first. For instance, in both there is a marked emphasis on the color contrast between silver and gold. While in the case of Tomb 1, this contrast can be seen in the disposition of identical objects made out of different materials, such as the peanut-shaped necklace segments. In the case of the second major tomb, we see instances of objects that have golden halves and silver halves.

The differences are subtle and telling. Only one pair of earspools accompanies the "Lord" found in Tomb 2 and the metal rattles also were not as elaborate, and the metal necklace beads show uncanny, smiling human faces. Unlike in Tomb l, the “lord” of tomb 2 holds a copper cup in his right hand. One of the central pieces of his attire, the headdress, features an owl with spread-out wings, suggesting that this person could have been linked to a particular branch of the Moche hierarchy.

The five accompanying burials in Tomb 2, which itself is commonly referred to as the tomb of "The Priest", were also arranged somewhat differently. The "guard" also had his feet cut off, but was placed in a coffin and had with him gourd vessels, a feather ornament, and a copper headdress. Two women were buried alongside the “lord”, one facing up and one facing down. Neither of these women were placed in coffins, although they were probably wrapped in textile shrouds. The young woman to the left of the “lord” had an elaborate copper headdress similar to the one worn by the female buried at the feet of "The Lord of Sipan", a fact that may indicate that these women may have shared similar social rank.

Unlike tombs 1 and 2, which are contemporary with the sixth and last phase of construction of the pyramid, Tomb 3 is far older. lt was found 16 feet below the current surface, associated with the earliest platform, which dates back to about 100 AD. lt shows a somewhat different type of interment, with neither a niched chamber nor a wooden coffin. Lying on top of the “lord” of Tomb 3 (now referred to as “the Old Lord of Sipan”) was an impressive, 7’6”-foot-long by 2’7”-foot-wide mound of crushed and corroded copper and gold-copper alloys, representing the bulk of the funerary regalia. The copious metalwork of this third tomb is of outstanding quality, and it has been masterfully conserved and restored by the archaeological team. Many pieces exemplify the characteristic use of thin, hammered plates of gold, guilded copper and alloys, all held together with very fine wire.

Arguably the finest of all metalwork of Sipán comes from Tomb 3. These include a barely 38mm-tall gold figurine found above the nose of the "Old Lord", between two pairs of earplugs, one in silver, one in gold. The miniature figurine represents Moche warrior in full dress. This figurine holds a shield and club and wears turquoise inlaid earplugs, a turquoise shirt, a moveable nose ornament and an owl headdress with tiny, moveable platelets. This headdress resembles a miniature version of the headdress of the "Priest" of Tomb 2.

The Moche noble buried in Tomb 3 must evidently also be considered a "Lord" in his own right. The ceramic offerings found in his tomb, however, are not of the same high quality found in the southern Moche Valley. Overall, ceramics of outstanding quality are relatively scarce at Sipan, which in turn supports the notion of a strong regional differentiation within the Moche realm.

lt would seem that the people lavishly buried in the "Huaca Rajada de Sipan", who one must assume ruled the area around the site, and quite possibly a large portion of the valley, engaged highly-skilled metalworkers. Many items found in their graves come from afar, like the tropical mollusk shells laid down whole or as fine beads for the elaborate pectorals. These were trade items, and it is quite possible that exquisite Moche style metalwork like that found in the graves was used for engaging in just such long distance trade.

Thanks to the elaborate figurative painting on many Moche vessels, one can recognize the recurring depiction of scenes at which identifiable individuals, maybe mythical ancestors, engage in complex interaction. A burial scene, for instance, has been identified and gives us a glimpse of the complexity of Moche funerary rituals. On other painted vessels an owl-faced, humanoid figure stands atop a stepped pyramid. Comparing archaeological contexts with iconographic representations is a method that, it is hoped, will carry to a new level of understanding the investigations into Moche society.

Tucume Pyramids

Purgatorio (purgatory) is the name by which local people refer to the dozens of prehispanic pyramids, enclosures and mounds found on the plain around La Raya Mountain, south of the La Leche River. This is the site of Tucume, covering an area of over 540 acres and encompassing 26 major pyramids and platforms.

This site was a major regional center, maybe even the capital of the successive occupations of the area by the Lambayeque/Sican (1000/1100-1350 AD) CHECK CHECK, Chimú (1350-1450 AD) and Inca (1450-1532 AD). Local shaman healers (“curanderos”) invoke the power of Tucume and La Raya Mountain in their rituals, and local people fear these sites. Hardly anyone other than healers ventures out in this site at night.

The plains of Tucume are part of the Lambayeque Valley, the largest valley of the North Coast of Peru. The Lambayeque Valley boats scores natural and man-made waterways. lt is also a region of numerous pyramids.

Tucume lies on what was once the southern margin of the valley, but thanks to the Taymi irrigation canal (over 43 miles long), which brings water northward from the Chancay river, it is surrounded by fertile agricultural land. lt seems very likely that the construction of the Taymi canal coincided with the foundation of Tucume, an important center of the region throughout its 400-year history. Modern Tucume, which lies very close to the site and boasts its own prehispanic village pyramid, Huaca del Pueblo, is located 17 miles north of the city of Chiclayo.

The largest and most impressive pyramids are found in the monumental sector of the archaeological site, to the north and northeast of La Raya Mountain (“Mountain of the Ray”). Investigations carried out in conjunction with Thor Heyerdahl, the famous Norwegian seafarer and explorer, have concentrated on three major structures: Huaca Larga, Huaca 1 and The U-shaped "Temple of the Sacred Stone". Excavations in non-monumental areas have yielded many details about the functioning of the site -some prefer the term city- and about the lives of its inhabitants.

The beginnings of Tucume are to be found in a legend recorded by Father Cabello de Balboa (1586 AD). Cala, a grandson of the mythical Naymlap, founder of the Lambayeque royal dynasty, is said to have gone to Tucume to "start new fan-tilies and settlements, bringing many people him with". The founding of the settlement seems to have taken place around 1000-1100 AD, when the old regional center at Batán Grande, to the south of the Chancay river, was burnt and abandoned. Tucume quickly rose to a preeminent position within the valley.

Evidence of the Chimú conquest, around 1350 AD, as well as the later Inca occupation of the region, by 1470 AD, has been found in ceramics, burials and dedicatory offerings. In Huaca Larga, for example, archaeologists discovered the lavish burial of a prominent Inca general, possibly the Inca governor of Tucume. Some archaeologists believe that the fire that razed the central part of Huaca Larga may coincide with the beginnings of the colonial period and of the abandonment of the site.

Huaca 1 (Pyramid 1) rises 98-feet high behind the new site museum, west of Huaca Las Estacas (Pyramid of the Stakes). lt is a stepped pyramid with a long, high and narrow access ramp that makes several right-angle turns up the body of the pyramid. Two plazas, one to the north and a huge, 689 by 259-feet plaza, surrounded by high walls to the south, together with several ample annexes, also correspond to this structure. One of these annexes, referred to as "The Bell-Shaped Building" stands out as a unique Andean example of outcurving, i.e. overhanging walls, somewhat reminiscent of Japanese architecture. On top of Huaca 1 there are a series of rooms situated at different levels with access ramps and stairways. These rooms probably were living quarters of the Lambayeque elite. During the Chimú period (1350-1470 AD) Huaca 1 continued in use and bird friezes were added as a form of architectural ornamentation.

Huaca Larga, or the Long Pyramid, is the longest adobe structure known to date. lt measures around 2,300-feet in length, from the foot of La Raya Mountain to the short, straight access ramp on the north end. Its beginnings as a freestanding platform of the Lambayeque, or Sican, culture (1000/1100-1350 AD), which is referred to as the “green phase”, are obscured by substantial remodeling that took place in the subsequent “tricolor phase”.

All buildings of this period, which marks the Chimú domination of the area, were painted in red, white and black. The murals depicting flying birds in the "Temple of the Mythical Bird" stand out as fine examples of Chimú painting. Apparently, the Chimú tried to convert Huaca Larga into something resembling a Chan Chan compound. Long corridors and dividing walls partition the complex, and researchers have identified a northern, possibly public, ceremonial area and a southern area devoted to cooking and manufacturing.

The Inca presence at Huaca Larga (1470-1532 AD) is referred to as the “stone phase” due to their preference for stone as construction material. Weaving of delicate textiles, an activity the Inca often entrusted to consecrated women, was practiced at Huaca Larga during Inca times. This tradition may well go back to Chimú or even pre-Chimú times. Burials of 19 high-status, female Inca weavers included a collection of elaborate objects. This burial site, which was found under one of the Inca-built rooms, yielded high-quality, wooden implements for spinning and weaving and inlaid earspools. In a different room atop Huaca Larga, researchers discovered three male burials, one of them of a mature, robust man with insignia, suggesting he may have been the Inca governor of Tucume. Shortly after these burials took place, all standing structures on Huaca Larga were razed and huge tires lit on top. Oral history recalls that enormous fires were lit by the Spanish colonists to convince the local population that Tucume was indeed the gate to purgatory.

The "Temple of the Sacred Stone" is a small, unpretentious, rectangular U-shaped structure to the east of Huaca Larga. lt is considered a major temple that travelers had to pass by before entering the site. The walled roadway system of this section of the Lambayeque valley leads straight to this temple and then on to Huaca Larga. The special, revered object of this temple appears to have been a large, upright boulder in the middle of the one-room building, but whom or what it represented remains unknown. Furthermore, archaeologists found an enormous number of offerings in and around the temple. These offerings included valuable Spondylus shells (a seashell) brought from the coast of Guayaquil, slaughtered lamas and intriguing sheet-metal miniatures representing a wide range of themes and objects (flora, fauna, ornaments, musical instruments, tools, etc.). The most delicate of Inca offerings, figurines made of solid silver or carved Spondylus and adorned with elaborate textiles, silver tupu-needles and miniature feather headdresses, were found deposited in ritual fashion by the doorway of the temple. Researchers have found similar offerings, sometimes together with human sacrifices, at other major Inca shrines. For example, just a few years back a researcher exploring the top of the snow-capped Ampato Mountain in the southern Peruvian department of Arequipa found the intact mummy of an Inca girl, whom he nicknamed "Juanita".

Although Huaca Balsas has suffered heavily from damage inflicted by looting, its beautiful friezes, of a quality previously unknown in the Lambayeque region, are one of Tucumes most interesting features. These include the frieze known as “the Mound of the Rafts", which is located on the southwestern margin of the site in the only group of large pyramids outside the monumental sector (see above). While the "Frieze of the Rafts" depicts a mythical scene in which a bird-man and a mythical bird lead a raft, following a similar boat with a related crew, the "Frieze of the Rite" depicts a figure who may be a priest inside a roofed structure and holding a lama in one hand and a staff in the other. While their precise meaning remains unclear, archeologist Alfredo Narváez sees a revival of the earlier Moche tradition of fine-line drawing, as seen in their exquisite ceramics, transposed to a different medium. A narrative character has been attributed to the Moche ceramic drawings. Thus, the friezes of Huaca Balsas may depict scenes that form part of one or more Lambayeque myths.

Constructed entirely of mudbrick in the lower La Leche Valley, the imposing site of Túcume on Peru's arid North Coast was in use for nearly a millennium, having been built by the Lambayeque at the beginning of the tenth century, conquered by the Chimú in 1375, and subsumed into the Inca Empire in 1470, under which it flourished until the arrival of the Spanish in 1532. The site, which is spread over more than 220 hectares, boasts 26 enormous adobe pyramids, most of which were constructed in stages throughout the site's occupation. Eroded by centuries of El Niño southern oscillation events, Túcume's monuments are today a mere shadow of their creators' architectural vision, yet the archaeological remains they contain make the site one of the most important in northern Peru. The fragility of the construction, aggressive climate, and lack of economic resources, however, have resulted in a pattern of progressive deterioration of the site. The most significant losses, from heavy rains and strong winds, have been reduced building volume and damaged painted murals. The Túcume area has been slated for tourism development in Peru, however, concerns have been raised over the development of the site without proper attention to conservation. The site's listing in 2004 attracted substantial private-sector support for the site's preservation, but a long-term plan for the conservation of its fragile and eroding remains has yet to be developed

The Brujo Archaeological Complex
"Huaca Cao Viejo" is an archaeological site dating back to the Moche culture (100 BC-650 AD). It is a badly damaged, stepped pyramid with a central court that was probably used primarily for religious ceremonies. This pyramid is undoubtedly the most impressive Moche site in the Chicama Valley and is nowadays more often referred to as "EL BRUJO" ("The Sorcerer"). This current name is due to the common practice of shamens of the North coast (who also are called “brujos” or “curanderos”) to hold some of their healing ceremonies at prominent hills or prehispanic ruins, which they consider to be places of power.

This huaca or "ancient place" lies very near the sea, close to the small fishing village Santiago de Cao, on the right hand margin of the Chicama River. In one of the most important Moche sites in this large valley of the north coast. This valley lies immediately north of the Moche valley that was the location of the presumptive capital of the Mochica polity, where we find the HUACA DEL SOL Y DE LA LUNA COMPLEX. Many more sites of the Moche culture are known in the lower and middle sections of the Chicama Valley, such as habitation structures and ceremonial platforms. One also can find major in the Chicama Valley major sections of a large and very complex prehispanic irrigation system, parts of which are still in operation today. This irrigation system may well date back to the Moche period.

The currently-visible structure called EL BRUJO rises about 98 feet above the surrounding desert and covers an area of roughly 330 by 330 feet (Figure 4.1). Probably there are many simple wattle-and-daub structures still buried beneath the sand that surrounds this stepped, truncated pyramid, which itself was built with tens of thousands of adobe bricks. The dimensions measured today, however, must be seen as the product of at least seven building phases. During each of these phases, the central central building would have undergone extensive remodeling and expansion. The extraordinary, painted reliefs preserved at Huaca Cao Viejo owe their current excellent state of conservation not only to the extremely dry climate of the Pacific coast of Peru, but also to this tradition of building over the older structures.

The famous mural ornamentation was discovered accidentally by local "huaqueros" (grave looters), who reported the find in 1990 to a prominent Peruvian banker interested in archaeology. Since then, this philanthropically-minded banker has funded excavations and excellent research and conservation measures.

The polychrome reliefs worked onto the clay plaster can be attributed to the different building phases, although most of them are contemporary with the last one, immediately before the building was abandoned for reasons as yet unknown. On the main northeast facade of the building the rubble covering the original plastered and painted walls has now been cleared to reveal many painted figures in high relief.

The oldest figures appear to be intricate geometric patterns with snake-like characteristics painted in red and yellow, which can be seen on the left-hand side of the third level of the frontal (northeast) facade. Immediately to the right of these motifs are visible traces of what the project director considers to be the representation of a stylized fish. In front of these figures, one step down the pyramid, a contemporary group of reliefs, dating to the fifth construction phase, are painted in white and yellow. These reliefs show the profile of a sacrificer, a protagonist common to Moche iconography, holding an infant by the hair with his left hand, and a ceremonial tumi-knife in his right hand. This depiction, referring to human sacrifice by beheading, is somewhat unusual in that normally the ones to be sacrificed are captured warriors.

On the lowest level, next to the central court, one can see a depiction of a group of ten naked men linked together by a rope around their necks. They appear to be the typical captured warriors, and it appears that a victorious group following these captives carries their captured weapons. A fully-clothed Moche warrior apparently leads these prisoners, who are painted on a white background, towards an intriguing little room on the left hand corner of the court. The walls of this room and of the associated terrace are covered with small, polychrome reliefs. Forty-eight fighting warriors, each with a different headdress and clothing, are seen on four rectangular panels on the southeast wall of this room and probably refer to ritual combat, an Andean practice the Moche seem to have upheld for centuries. This practice is still practiced, in a very different fashion, by a few communities of the southern Andes. The complex of small, interrelated scenes on the other walls of the room depict peaceful, less war-like motifs: animals, plants and net-fishing are among them. Studying and comprehending this highly unusual complex of reliefs is a task not yet completed.

One step above the procession of warriors and prisoners, an incomplete group of figures stand out in front of a blue background. These front-facing figures appear on a contemporary wall built over the reliefs of the child-sacrificer and wear clothing unlike that of the warriors. They are wearing elaborate headgear and earspools, a sign of high status. The yellow circles on the clothes of some of them probably depict golden discs sewn onto their long red shirts. They hold each other by the hand and look towards the central court, where elaborate ceremonies surely were held.

On the highest preserved level corresponding to this last phase of construction, the murals have been badly eroded, but a ceremonial knife is clearly visible in the hand of a figure with two spiderlike appendages against a red background. According to the looter who first discovered the decoration on the walls of this huaca, this figure was complete even when he found it. He described it as having prominent, bulging eyes, a flat, wide nose, thick lips, large, and protruding canine teeth, and was wearing two earspools and holding a human head in his left hand. It seems clear that the sacrificer was one of the most important figures of the iconographic complex found at EL BRUJO, maybe even the chief deity.

If you are interested to visit the north of Peru including the most important archaeological sites and Museums visit out tour programs page where you will also find programs to Kuelap fortress and Chachapoyas area. Read more

RECENT NEWS FROM EL BRUJO - Mummy of Tattooed Woman Discovered in El Brujo

A well-preserved tattooed mummy of a young woman has been discovered deep inside a mud-brick pyramid in El Brujo by archaeologists under the direction of scientist Regulo Franco. The 1,500-year-old mummy may shed new light on the mysterious Moche culture. The incredible mix of ornamental and military artifacts has experts speculating about this woman’s identity and her role in the Moche society. For more information you can read the full article at national geographic: http://www7.nationalgeographic.com/ngm/0606/feature2/index.html

Chan Chan
The city of Chan Chan, capital of the Kingdom of Chimor, also known as the Chimu Empire, represents America's largest prehispanic mud-brick settlement. Its complexity has come to light only after years of intensive excavations. This large city covers 7.7 square miles and is centered on a 2.3 square mile urban core dominated by a series of huge enclosures - the palaces of the Chimu kings.

The origins of the city go back to the beginnings of the first millennium AD when the first large enclosure, probably the Ciudadela Chayhuac, or Chayhuac Citadel, was built. Subsequently, many more ciudadelas, eleven in total. By the time the Inca conquered the Chimu domain, around 1470 AD, the capital was the center of an empire that covered a stretch of 621 miles of the Pacific coast and controlled about two-thirds of all agricultural land ever irrigated along the Pacific coast of South America.

Agriculture was a major concern of the Chimu, who built many miles of irrigation canals, including inter-valley canals, to expand the area under cultivation. A long canal was built from the Chicama River to the north, in order to irrigate farmland near Chan Chan in the Moche Valley. The enormous area harvested in the Moche Valley in prehispanic times still surpasses the area currently cultivated.

The archaeological site is characterized by very tall walls, some of which are 26 feet high, which enclose each of the 11 citadels. Together with Huaca Obispo, Chan Chan's largest stepped pyramid, which lies at the north of the city, they form the bulk of the monumental architecture at the site. Each of these palaces, most of which are laid out in a very similar fashion in spite of the differences in size, are characterized by three types of structures: U-shaped audiencias, storerooms and wells. In general terms the site’s high walls, long corridors, tortuous, winding passageways, and small entrances show how meticulously the regime controlled the flow of people within the enclosures.

The U-shaped rooms called "audiencias" are found in varying sizes and are interpreted as the administrative offices of the Chimu elite. Some are decorated with elaborate clay friezes that represent shellfish, stylized waves, marine birds and fish. On frieze, for example, represents a reed boat adorned with a cormorant and a giant squid about to gobble a fish.

The extensive storerooms, which have a capacity of 2,000 square meters, were found empty. Archaeologists, however, were able to find traces of manufactured goods, including the imprints of textiles, for instance, which probably were stored in these rooms until their removal around the time of the Inca conquest. The value attached to the items stored here is apparent by the controlling position of the audiencia-type building that one must pass in order to access them.

If the capacity of the Chan Chan storerooms is examined, it becomes evident that, unlike the Inca, they did not store huge amounts of staples; the available storage space is far smaller in comparison. On the contrary, they appear to have specialized in producing and trading small, but valuable, luxury goods possibly used as status symbols by distant lords. lt is quite possible that the marine scenes depicted on audiencia walls are linked not only to the realm of myth and ideology, but also to seafaring, a practice probably engaged in daily by Chimu fishermen and traders.

Another recurrent feature of the ciudadelas of Chan Chan is large, deep, walk-in-wells. Today these have dried out completely due to the lower water table, which has led, in turn to a smaller area currently under irrigation and modern-day water extraction with mechanized pumps to supply the expanding city of Trujillo. This lowering of the natural water table has also desertified the ”sunken gardens", where the produce consumed by the inhabitants of Chan Chan was grown. By digging large, deep trenches until the surface was moist enough to sustain agriculture, the agricultural frontier could be further expanded into areas near the coastline, like the area southeast of Chan Chan. A similar method is used by some traditional fishermen of the north coast of Peru to grow the totora reeds necessary for making their famous, slender reed boats.

Some scholars have tended to link the individual compounds with a list of rulers written down by Spanish historians in the sixteenth century. Others however, stress the possibility that all ciudadelas functioned at the same time, with competing nobles and their families living in each one of them.

Evidence in favor of the "one king - one palace" theory carne from the excavation of several highly disturbed platforms found within the citadel enclosures. Clearing the debris left by intensive colonial looting, or "mining" as it was referred to then, a T- shaped tomb was found to have been at the center of the burial platforms. The people buried in these enormous tombs were accompanied in the grave by elaborate offerings of textiles, ceramics, and metalwork. The bones of dozens of women, found around the central grave, may point to large-scale human sacrifice. Apparently, their descendants, who continued to run what could be called the "Royal Mausoleums", used the compounds that contained these burial platforms for long periods after the death of a ruler.

The commoners of Chan Chan lived outside of the compounds, and were probably forbidden to enter them, right of way being a prerogative of the nobility and their retainers. Most of the artisans, fishermen, farmers and laborers at Chan Chan resided in what archaeologists have dubbed "intermediate architecture"- structures smaller than monumental compounds, but generally more complex than simple huts. This intermediate architecture housed the estimated 12,000 artisans working at Chan Chan.

The total population of the city may well have been as large as 50,000 or more, although strong seasonal fluctuation is suspected. Judging by the city's tax records, the colonial looters must have found formidable quantities of precious metal in Chan Chan. Although large scale production of ceramics, textiles and woodworking as well as maize-beer preparation are all in evidence, the Chimu appear to have concentrated their craft production around metallurgy (Figure 5.3). In this respect the conquest by the Inca (around 1470 AD) may well have broken the backbone of the Chimu economy. The Inca forcibly transferred to their capital in Cusco the highly skilled metalworkers of Chan Chan. Colonial chroniclers report the legend of Tacaynamo, also called Chimu Capac, the mythical founder of Chan Chan "who came from across the sea, to rule the land". These same chroniclers reported that the Chimu conquered the Lambayeque region, where the Sicán culture flourished, sometime around 1200 AD. Evidence of large-scale mining and smelting has recently been found in the Lambayeque region at the site of Batán Grande.

Sun and Moon Temples

This major archaeological site was built at the time of the Moche culture (100 BC-650 AD), just east of a prominent, freestanding hill, the Cerro Blanco (White Mountain), and next to a small tributary of the Moche River. It occupies a central location within the extensive Moche Valley. The complex sits about three miles inland, southeast of the modern city of Trujillo and is considered by many scholars to be the former capital of the Moche State

The complex is dominated by two huge adobe brick buildings: the Pyramid of the Sun, or Huaca del Sol, and the artificial platform called Huaca de la Luna, or Temple of the Moon. On the quarter-mile-wide, open plain between them, researchers have found many graves, most of them looted, as well as evidence of large scale manufacturing covered by a layer of sediment up to 10 feet thick. A considerable number of administrators, religious, and manufacturing specialists must have been living at this great prehispanic settlement. Like most prehispanic sites on the coast, it is located so as not to usurp agricultural land and in a good position to acquire food, building material and other resources.

The Huaca del Sol - Despite its history of destruction during the colonial period, the stepped pyramid called Huaca del Sol still measures 1,250 feet in length and towers 135 feet above the surrounding plain - this makes it the tallest adobe structure of the Americas. lt is calculated that around 50 million sun-dried, mud bricks (or “adobes”), were used in its construction. Like its counterpart on the opposite side of the plain, the Huaca de la Luna, it is oriented roughly 20 degrees east of north. Although the earlier history of the building remains a riddle, it was probably begun early during the Moche period..

The enormous cut on the west face was made back in 1602 by ambitious Spaniards looking for treasure. They intentionally diverted the small Santa Catalina River, which then washed away more than half the huaca. In colonial times, it was common practice to loot prehispanic sites in search of gold, and often such looting was organized by formal companies.

This stepped pyramid is made up of four major platforms that rise from the northeast, where an access ramp may have stood, towards the southwest where there is a fourth, lower and narrower platform. Unlike later monumental architecture, it is entirely made up of sun-dried adobe bricks. The sections, or panels, in which the bricks were laid are clearly visible in the badly-eroded eastern side. Many of the adobes have their original marks, such as imprints of hands, feet, dots, crosses, etc. These marks have been interpreted by researchers as accounting tools to distinguish different groups of brick manufacturers, which thus facilitated tracking the payment of “taxes”.

The name “Huaca del Sol” is really a misnomer, as there is no evidence to connect the building with any solar cult. There are, however, no indications as to the original name of the site, which must have been in the now-extinct Muchik language, which was spoken in the region in the Fifteenth Century.

The Huaca de la Luna - Overlooking the Pyramid of the Sun lies the Pyramid or Temple of the Moon, another major component of the urban and ceremonial center of the prehispanic settlement of Moche. Ongoing excavations by Peruvian and foreign scholars are revealing the complexity of this fascinating structure.

Three platforms and four open courts or plazas take up most of the assemblage, which is built up against the lower slopes of the Cerro Blanco, the White Mountain. Overall, the site measures 950 feet from north to south and 690 feet from east to west. The access to the structure was probably located on the north side, which has been badly damaged by looting. Treasure hunters also dug impressive tunnels into its eastern flank and inadvertently exposed beautiful polychrome reliefs, sadly now destroyed. Many Moche burials, some probably dedicatory but others as late as Chimú (about 1100-1470 AD), have been excavated inside the otherwise massive adobe platform and have yielded many artifacts, such as elaborate ceramics and metal headgear.

Very tall and wide walls delimit each of the four courts, some of the which have narrow cane and pole roofs running along the sides. Access from one sector of the site to another was clearly channeled down corridors and through narrow entrances. Painted reliefs pertaining to different construction phases, at least four of which have been identified so far, have been located in several of the platforms and plazas.

For example, the head of the "degollador" or sacrificer, a motif also found at the site of EL BRUJO, decorates the walls of platform I in the southwest corner of the site. Another very fine example of Moche mural decorations found at La Luna was the mural referred to above, which depicts "The Rebellion of the Artifacts"

Large-scale human sacrifice at Huaca de la Luna became evident when archaeologists uncovered the remains of at least 34 sacrificed adult male individuals in the soft clay of the southeastern court at the foot of the mountain. They had been bound and, judging by the type of wounds that had been inflicted, were probably captured in battle. Thesacrifice represents a single ritual event linked by archaeologist Steve Bourget to a season of torrential rains caused by an extreme case of the maritime El Niño phenomenon, which strikes the coast of South America at irregular intervals and which may have caused the final abandonment of this site.

The open space between the two pyramids has recently been found to have been an area of intense manufacturing activity as well as an area of high population density. Ceramic workshops and large-scale maize-beer production are in evidence, and intensive textile production and metalworking may also have taken place there as well. The highly specialized groups of workers in charge of these activities were most probably subservient to the high-ranking individuals in charge of the administration of both the ceremonies that took place at that site and the prosecution of wars.

Royal Tombs of Sipan Museum

Latin America’s most spectacular new museum is named “the Royal Tombs of Sipan” , after the world-famous burial chambers discovered beneath ancient adobe pyramids on Peru’s northwest coast. The three-story, six-million-dollar museum, which contains by far the greatest intact discovery of gold artifacts in the Americas, is shaped like the pre-Columbian pyramid under which Peruvian archaeologists discovered this amazing tomb in 1987 (cover stories in National Geographic Magazine in December 1987 and March 1989.

The Royal Tombs of Sipan Museum is considered as one of the biggest museum in Latin America dedicated to a single archeological discovery and one of the newest museums in the world by Art News magazine from New York. In the next lines we transcribe an article that appeared in this important magazine.

ALL THE KING’S GOLD
By Robin Cembalest
Museo Tumbas Reales de Sipán Lambayeque, Perú

After midnight on February 16, 1987, Walter Alva, director of National Bruning Museum, in the northern Peruvian town of Lambayeque, was summoned by the local police. Word has spread that gold had been found in pyramids in nearby Sipán, and looters were feverishly digging through an ancient burial chamber. Alva, his colleagues, and a few officers rushed to the site, managing to scare the looters away. The objects they rescued were from the Moche culture, which dominated Peru’s northern coast for the first 600 years A.D., but were more sophisticated and opulent than any Alva had ever seen.

Fortunately, the looting was confirmed to one chamber. Subsequent excavations yielded one stunning find after another: a copper scepter topped with a complex architectural model; hundreds of ceramic vessels depleting people and animals; an intact oak sarcophagus tied with cooper strips: and most remarkably, a gilded ear ornament, intricately crafted of gold and turquoise, showing a warrior chief holding a shield and a scepter and wearing a crescent-shaped diadem, an articulated golden nose piece, and a collar of gold owl heads.

This tiny, exquisite figure, the team learned, foreshadowed the discovery or the similarly attired remains of the Lord of Sipán, a royal warrior and a priest who died around A.D. 300. He is the only American king whose tomb has ever been unearthed.

Ultimately, the tombs of 13 individuals (many buried with a retinue) were excavated at Sipán. “This discovery revolutionized Moche studies the way the discovery of King Tut changed Egyptian studies”, Alva says, “We understood suddenly that the people we’d seen in drawings – and their ceremonies, their rituals – were real”.

While highlights from the dig toured North America, Alva and his colleagues built the Museo Tumbas Reales de Sipán, a fascinating and innovative museum that opened in 2002 in Lambayeque, 485 miles north of Lima, which Alva now directs.

The museum, a dark red pyramid, rises out of the dry, flat streetscape. Visitors climb an exterior stairway and enter the building at the top. Descending through the galleries, they encounter objects in the same sequence as the archeologists did – hammered-gold sheets that cradled the lord’s head and rested on his eyes, nose, mouth and chin: bracelets strung with hundreds of turquoise, shell, and gold beads; a gold-and-silver scepter depieting a warrior and his nude prisoner; gold-and silver backflaps (sheets the Moche suspended from the back of their belts) inlaid with shell and semiprecious stones, depicting a figure with a large, ganged mouth holding a human head by the hair and a tumi, a sacrificial knife. Each object or jewel displays artistry and craftsmanship that astounds and delights at every turn.

While it was clear from the outset that the museum would adapt characteristics of both archeological and art museums, what was less obvious. Alva says, was how the museum should handle the fact that it is also a mausoleum. He ultimately decided to place the lord’s remains, as well as those of two other excavated figures – an ancestor of the lord and a high priest – in a wooden coffin as the final exhibit. The skeletons, surrounded by ceramics found in their tombs, are softly lit and visible to the public. While Sipán’s elite expected to journey to the afterlife, this is one journey they never thought they’d take.